This fear is emotionally charged, and it deserves an honest response rather than dismissal.
First, the facts about where we stand today. Through the EEA, citizens of all EU member states already have the right to live and work here. Polish, Lithuanian, and Portuguese workers have been part of our communities for years, working in fish processing, construction, tourism, and healthcare. Our economy depends on this labour mobility — without it, many sectors would face severe worker shortages. EU membership would not change this existing right of free movement, because it's already in place through the EEA.
On asylum, we already participate in the Dublin Regulation — the system that determines which European country is responsible for processing an asylum claim. We signed on through a bilateral agreement tied to our Schengen membership, and actively use it to determine responsibility for asylum cases based on the country of first arrival. Our geographic position as an island in the North Atlantic means that in practice, very few asylum seekers arrive here as their first European destination.
What about mandatory quotas? The EU's New Pact on Migration and Asylum, which took effect in 2026, does introduce a solidarity mechanism. Each member state's share is calculated by a formula based on population and GDP. But — and this is important — countries choose how they contribute: by physically relocating asylum seekers, by paying a financial contribution (€20,000 per person), or by providing operational support such as personnel or equipment. No country is forced to accept people if it prefers to contribute differently. For us, with our small population and GDP relative to the EU total, the calculated share under this formula would be very small — likely a few dozen people per year, with full flexibility to choose the form of contribution.
What EU membership would actually change is not who can come here, but whether we have a voice in shaping the rules. Right now, we apply the Dublin Regulation but had no vote when it was written. We participate in Schengen but don't sit at the table when Schengen policy evolves. Inside the EU, we'd have a say in designing migration and asylum policy — including the ability to advocate for approaches we consider fair and workable.
Our geography, climate, labour market, and small population mean that the migration dynamics affecting Mediterranean countries simply don't apply in the same way here. The more relevant question is whether we want to help shape Europe's response to migration challenges, or remain on the sidelines of a policy conversation that affects the continent we're part of.
Sources: EU Regulation 604/2013 (Dublin III); EU New Pact on Migration and Asylum 2024; Eurostat, asylum application statistics 2023–2024; Directorate of Immigration, annual report 2024.